The Times, Tuesday, September 13, 1899

The Transvaal Crisis

"The Transvaal Crisis." Times, 13 Sept. 1899, p. 3. The Times Digital Archive, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/CS50521389/TTDA?u=surttda&sid=TTDA&xid=355ff962. Accessed 12 Sept. 2020.

THE BRITISH DEMANDS. (THROUGH REUTER'S AGENCY.) PRETORIA, SEPT. 12, 11 50 a.m.

The British despatch sent after last Friday's Cabinet Council has just been handed to the Transvaal Government.

Mr. Grobler, Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, left to-day for Bloemfontein on official business.

(THROUGH DALZIEL'S AGENCY) PRETORIA, SEPT. 12, 12 30 P.M.

The reply of Great Britain to the Transvaal Government has been read in the Volksraad, and the greatest excitement prevails.

12 45 P.M.

The British despatch, which has just been read in both Volksraads, is regarded virtually as an ultimatum. It proposes:-
(1) A five years' franchise.
(2) A quarter representation in the Volksraad for the goldfields.
(3) Equality of the Dutch and English in the Volksraad.
(4) Equality of the old and the new burghers in regard to Presidential and and other elections.

If these conditions are accepted a conference between the two governments shall follow for the purpose of drafting the necessary measures in order to avoid any unnecessary conditions being introduced by the Transvaal Government or the possibility of any new Bills being made law calculated to defeat the end in view.

The despatch goes on to say that the present state of affairs in South Africa cannot be prolonged, and a definite acceptance of the proposal is demanded without delay, - otherwise her Majesty's Government will at once take the whole situation under reconsideration and act as to bring about a settlement.

(FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.) CAPE TOWN, SEPT. 12.

The Friend of the Free State, published at Bloemfontein, learns that the Transvaal is ready to meet the British in a conference at Cape Town, and to grant Sir A. Milner's minimum if Great Britain will give a solemn promise not to assail the independence of the Republic. The delegates would probably be Mr. Fischer, Mr. Wolmarans, and General Joubert.

(THROUGH REUTER'S AGENCY.) CAPE TOWN, SEPT. 12

Various reports received here from Pretoria, although unofficial, predict the Transvaal's acceptance of the terms of Mr. Chamberlain's latest despatch, creating a basis of negotiations which may possibly lead to a peaceful settlement. The exodus continues from Johannesburg and also from Bloemfontein, many of the refugees receiving aid from the relief committees.

The Times of Natal states that a detachment of police has gone to Basutoland in response to appeals from the farmers. The Dublin Fusiliers and the 9th Lancers are going shortly to Ladysmith. It is reported that the formation of a laager 30 miles north of Volkstrust is intended as a refuge for women and children.

The Johannesburg Leader states that no more political arrests will be made except with the consent of the Pretoria authorities who, it is declared, do not contemplate any further action of the kind.

MAFEKING, SEPT. 12

It has been decided to discontinue the coach service between Mafeking and Johannesburg on account of the attitude of the Boers. The route between Mafeking and Thermopylae has been totally abandoned.

It is reported that the Boers in the Western Transvaal are dissatisfied with General Joubert as Commander-in-Chief, and demand to have Commandant Kronje in his place.

The irritation felt on account of the unprotected state of the country is acute. Many refugees from the Rand mines are arriving here.

The special corps at Ramathlabama is moving south.

(FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT) JOHANNESBURG, Sept 11

A new factor in the situation, not hitherto sufficiently emphasized, is the position of Natal. Formerly Natal was on terms of close business friendship with Pretoria, and profited accordingly from the Transvaal carrying trade. Her decisive stand by the side of the Imperial Government and the Uitlanders is causing bitter resentment on the part of the Boer rulers, and any settlement involving the continuance of the Pretoria regime means practical ruin to the Natal import trade, on which the finances of the colony are largely dependent. A vindictive policy is almost inevitable, entailing Customs examination of all goods and their virtual boycotting. The detention of rolling stock by the Netherlands Railway would compel merchants, in order to avoid worry and delay, to import via Delagoa Bay and the Cape. Knowing this, the Uitlanders appreciate all the more Natal's action.

The Uitlander residents at Boksburg made a respectful request to a burgher meeting to be permitted to live in the town and remain neutral. The proposal evoked a bitter attack from prominent burghers, includingthe mining commissioner, and the request was unanimously rejected. There is no indication as to what would be the policy of the Boers towards non-combatants in the event of hostilities.

From all sides come reports of war preparations. The fort has been strengthened by sandbag ramparts, and positions commanding the approaches to the town a few miles out are being quietly prepared with field-guns and rifles.

(THROUGH REUTER's AGENCY. JOHANNESBURG, SEPT. 12.

The Government officials have asked the managers of mines to furnish them with an account of the quantity of food-stuffs which have been stored. The miners have been offered a bonus of £25 each to remain at their posts until ordered to leave.

The Uitlanders of Boksburg have laid before a meeting of burghers a request that they should remain neutral in the event of war. The burghers stated that they could not sympathize with the petitioners. British subjects, they said, should not be allowed to sit in laagers doing nothing while burghers were shedding their blood in defence of their country. Those who refused to fight for the country would be regarded as enemies. The request was refused.

PRETORIA, SEPT. 11.

President Kruger has issued a notice warning burghers who intend to go shooting beyond the Limpopo river that they will be severely punished unless they first obtain permission from the authorities in the district to which they are going.

It is officially stated that the article of the gold mining law which was struck out last year on the subject of the confiscation of claims and mines belonging to persons who may commit high treason or conspire against the State, will be again put into force. The article in question also gives the Government power to order that the mines shall be worked and should such order not be complied with within a certain time, allows the mines to be worked by the Government.

[The above appeared in our Second Edition of yesterday.]

LATER.

I learn on excellent authority that it is the intention of the Government to keep the mining industry going and to protect it in every possible way. As a first step to this end the Government this afternoon issued advises to miners all along the reef through the various companies to the effect that the men ought to remain on the Rand and not go away, and assuming them that so long as they remain peaceful they will receive all necessary protection, and further that should war unfortunately occur then the Government will give them reasonable time, if they choose, to leave the country.

General Joubert denies the truth of the report that his department is ordering heavy ordnance and more rifles, and declares that he is anxious for peace.

SEPTEMBER 12.

The Volksraad decided at to-day's sitting to instruct the Government immediately to discharge Mr. De Jonge, Secretary of Education, for writing a letter to the newspapers accusing ministers of the United Dutch Church of being jingoes on the ground that they agitated for more English education in the State schools.

LORENZO MARQUES, SEPT. 12.

Five hundred and thirty-nine cases of ammunition have been landed here from the Union liner Greek, and eight cases of ammunition and five cases of rifles from the Donald Currie liner Dunolly Castle.

NEW YORK, SEPT. 12.

President Kruger has sent a third message to the World in reply to the request of that journal for a further pronouncement on the crisis, and more especially with reference to the question of arbitration. The President's despatch is as follows :—

" Pretoria, Sept. 11. " I will send you a copy of a diplomatic despatch dated April, 1897, showing conclusively the abolition of the British suzerainty under the Convention of 1881. The South African Republic wishes for arbitration on all questions not settled amicably which have arisen or are arising on the interpretation of treaties, conventions, and other written undertakings between the South African Republic and Great Britain. England reserves several points, not specifying which. This may nullify the whole scheme. The Court of Arbitration should consist of five members, two appointed by each of the Governments interested in the controversy. The difficulty may be about the fifth. We, wishing for impartiality, desire a foreigner. England objects to all foreigners. We prefer that the President of the United States or the President of the Republic of Switzerland shall appoint the fifth member of the Court of Arbitration on the other four failing to agree upon the person to serve. On the above grounds England has hitherto refused arbitration.

" The Secretary, for the President."

SIMLA, SEPT.12.

The first transport sails from Bombay with the field hospitals on the 16th inst., and the entire Indian force will have embarked for South Africa by the 25th.

General Sir Archibald Hunter, Chief of the Staff, leaves Simla to-morrow for the Cape.

(The above appeared in oar Second Edition of yesterday.]

FRENCH PRESS COMMENTS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) PARIS, SEPT. 12.

The critical position of the Transvaal question is of course discussed by the newspapers. M. Valfrey, the retired diplomatist, compares Mr. Rhodes and the chronic deficits of the Chartered Company with Garibaldi when disavowed by the Italian Government, and he speaks of Lord Salisbury as being persistently incited to a more vigorous policy. He holds that the Convention of 1881 deprives the Transvaal of its international independence, said places it in the position formerly occupied by Egypt towards the Porte. He believes, therefore, that, deprived of German support, Mr. Kruger will be forced to bow the neck to the ultimatum. " The lamb disturbs the drink of the wolf. Behold the whole history of colonies and prosectorates for the last 20 years." The Debats, acknowledging that the Transvaal has shown ill-will, regards. Mr. Chamberlain as now master of the situation, as able and resolved to destroy the independence of the Boers, and as ready to resort to war, perhaps even, indeed, secretly preferring war. The Debats likewise speaks of the influence of the Chartered Company's impatience and demands. Imperialist passions, moreover, it thinks, are deteriorating the old and much-admired character of English colonization. The English fancy they descry a germ of hostility in the sympathy felt for the Transvaal, yet they might by a little forbearance have escaped this unpleasantness. A lighter and more supple hand than Mr. Chamberlain's would have avoided making needless wounds, but he has been deliberately harsh and dictatorial. " He is the man -, it will be his war. He will be responsible for it before history, and that responsibility may be heavier than is imagined. Victory will be inevitably followed by a revolution in England's political morals, and we fear that this will be no benefit to anybody, nor to herself. . . . The circle of Popilius has been drawn by her round Mr. Kruger, and he can emerge only by pure and simple submission or by war."

The Temps asks whether there will be peace or war. This question is agitating not only the spectators but the actors m the drama, the pro-logue of which is being played in Southern Africa. Besides the diplomatic perils, and those that depend upon the determined will of a statesman , the fixed resolution of an unscrupulous politician, or the obstinacy and prejudice of some Boer patriarch, there are other dangers, those that are born of the violence of passions over excited, for there are paid demagogues who can at any moment create an incident by a vulgar street quarrel, a tavern fight, or the ex-change of pistol shots. The Temps is inclined to believe that some speculators, who have undertaken a contract to supposes the independence of the Transvaal, and create a war of races in South Africa, just as they would undertake to execute a contract for public works are endeavouring to alarm and unnerve pnblic opinion. It is, above all, in the state of mind of the English people, arti¬ficially over-heated and excited, that the peril of the situation lies. Between the Transvaal and England there is no casus belli. President Kruger, who is not infallible, has committed faults. He has none the less finished by offering to England and her clients all, and more than all, that was asked of him at Bloemfontein. At this very hour he is ready to have another conference. Mr. Chamberlain himself will find it difficult to evoke a declaration of war from this state of things. If his conscience does not create any embarrassment for him, that of his colleagues, who may exercise their reason and judgment in the superior interests of their party and country, may trouble and fetter him. It is at this point that there intervenes that interpreter of opinion—which is often the dictator —the Press, which, instead of being a benefactor, becomes a malefactor when it lets loose artificial currents and precipitates manufactured catastrophes. If a War breaks out the responsibility will be divided between Mr. Chamberlain, with his restless ambition, Mr. Cecil Rhodes, with his speculations, and the Press, with its murderous incitements.

The Soleil, for its part, does not find the situation very clear. It also asks, Will it be peace or war Both sides are arming, but while arming they can negotiate, because the season in South Africa is not favourable for the beginning of a campaign. In that part of the world it is winter, there is not a blade of grass on the plains, or a drop of water in the streams. So for the next two months there will be an exchange of despatches, and we need not yet despair of the maintenance of peace, however improbable it may appear to-day. The Soleil thinks that President Kruger has committed a grave imprudence in raising the question of suzerainty, and in thus amplifying the discussion.. Looking at things closely it is a quarrel of words that he has started. A country of 250,000 inhabitants entirely enclosed within the possessions of a collosal Power such as England, in fact dependent upon its great neighbour. Therefore, even if the Treaties did not place the Transvaal under British suzerainty she would really be in so fact, because it is a law in the political world, just as in the physical world, that the heaviest draws the lightest in its orbit. Thus far, however, the word suzerainty has not greatly troubled the Boers, for they have been able to do everything they wished to do in their own country. In asking England to suppress a word that signified rights which she has not used, Mr. Kruger has called the attention of his adversary to these rights.

THE TRANSVAAL CRISIS.

"The Transvaal Crisis." Times, 13 Sept. 1899, p. 3. The Times Digital Archive, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/CS50521389/TTDA?u=surttda&sid=TTDA&xid=355ff962. Accessed 12 Sept. 2020.

Reuter's Agency is informed that in view of the large reinforcements of troops in Natal, which will now amount to a division of 15,000 men, it has been considered necessary to appoint an officer of high rank to assume command there. Sir G. White, Quartermaster-General, has been selected for this post, and will proceed to Natal by the mail leaving England on Saturday next.

Lord Lansdowne attended at the War Office yesterday morning at half-past 10, and was shortly afterwards joined by Lord Wolseley and Sir Evelyn Wood. At noon there was a conference between the permanent officials of the Colonial Office, Admiralty, and War Office for the purpose of arranging details arising from the decision of Cabinet last Friday.

There was considerable activity at Woolwich Arsenal and Dockyard yesterday in packing stores for South Africa to be ready for the transport leaving on Friday. Fifty tons of engineer appliances and field telegraph equipment have been requisitioned. The whole of the equipment for 20 field hospitals, with medical comforts and drugs, have been specially packed in suitable cases for transport in ox-wagons and mule panniers. Contractors are delivering considerable quantities of compressed forage, harness for oxen, and field-kitchen appliances. Overtime is being worked in the store section and packing departments of the ordnance branch. Three additional veterinary officers will leave on Saturday for the purpose of examining the mules and oxen now being purchased for service in South Africa. The Cape Government will be able to supply a post-office service from the local staff augmented by military telegraphists.

It is understood that the battalions which have been under orders during the last few days for garrisson duty in South Africa will disembark at Cape Town to strengthen the communications between Cape Town and Kimberley. The 1st Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers will take mobilization equipment, and the Second Brigade division R.F.A. are to take camp equipment.

Military signallers, bridging and balloon sections R.E., transport, supply, ordnance, medical, and other branches are prepared to move as soon as definite instructions are received from the War Office.

Col. Truman, Inspector-General of Remounts, has inspected the horses of the second cavalry brigade.

The gunboat Dwarf left Plymouth yesterday for the Cape Town to relive the gunboat Widgeonm not at the Cape, but the latter has received orders to remain on that station in consequence of the present situation.

The following ships were atS'he Cape of Good Hope on Friday last :-The Doris,flagship of the Commanderin-Chief, Sir Robert H. Harris; the Monarch, battleship, Capt. R. D. B. Bruce; the M1agicienne, Capt. William B. Fisher; the Barrcsa, cruiser, Cam. William F. Tunnard ; and the Thrush,gunboat, Lieut. and Com. James W. Pochin. The Forte, cruiser, Capt. Edward P. Jones, was at Mossamedes; the Barracouta, cruiser, Com. Richard H. Peirse,at Sierra Leone ; the Philomel, cruiser, Capt. John E. Bearcroft at Lorenzo Marques; and the Tartar, cruiser,-John T. White, at Durban on the same day, while the Partridge, gunboat, Lieut. and Com. A. T. Hunt, left St. Paul de Loanda for the Cape on the 8th inst.

Mr. Morley and Mr. Courtney are to address a meeting on Friday next which is to be held by the Manchester Transvaal Committee at the St. James's-hall, Manchester. Mr. J. A. Bright will preside. The speakers will also include Sir W. Lawson,UIr. Schwann, Mr. Maddison, and other Members of Parliament.

The Kettering Liberal Club having passed a resolution urging the Government to bring about a settlement of the Transvaal difficulty " in accordance with the principles of justice and peace," Mr. r. A. Channing, M.P., has written to Mr. Toseland, the secretary of the Kettering Liberal Association, heartily concurring in its terms, and adding:-

" The whole future of South Africa'must depend on the friendly fusion of races and interests. An unjust attempt to crush one of the two races would at once put that result out of reach. We have not even so much right to interfere with the self-government of the South African Republic as we have in the case of the colonies.

England has the right and the duty to defend ihee lives and liberties and property of Englishmen all over the world, but to make war, not because the lives and liberties and property of Englisbmen are being imperilled, but because our Government cannot instantly get tho Legislature of an independent State to pass xactl' the lam~s -we wish,in exctlo the way we dictate, and aster just such and such inquiries as we dictate, would be not only unstatesmanlike 'jlly, but a national crime."

A town's meeting was held at Crewe in the Town-hall last night to consider the action of the British Goverament in tho Transvaal. The mayor presided, and there was a large attendance. A resolution was proposed deprecating war and urging a peaceful settlement of the dispute, which, it was declared, was only a question of domestic reform. An amendment was moved expressing sympathy with the Uitlanders in the Transvanl, and was carried by a maajority of two to one. The meeting, which was characterized by much excitement, broke up singing " Rule, Britannia " and " God Save the Queen."

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,-Having had to visit South Africa on business, at the time when the minds of most Englishmen are directed towards that corner of the Empire, I have thought the partial enlightenment which I have obtained during my voyage out and my visit there might possibly te of some interest to other Britishers, who, like myself, have but a hazy knowledge of either the facts of the case or the feelings of their fellowcountrymen in the Transvaal.

I left England when the crisis was becoming acute. On my way out I had the opportunity of holding conversations with all sorts and conditions of men with intimate knowledge of the South African colonies and States, aud since my arrival at Cape Town I have had the privilege of hearing the opinions of many competent persons.

Nothing has impressed me more than the very imperfect grasp of the trae beariDgs of the question possessed by the ordinary Englishman belonging to the public school and University class-men who have travelled a little, read their Times newspaper religiously, and considered themselves very well* informed people on all subjects. I was one of theEe, and it was not until I found myself on board the Union Line ship bound for South Africa, and had entered into conversation with the varied assortment of passengers, that I found out how very little I knew about our claims and rights in the Transvaal. On the ship were a leading South African Statesman, a Transvaal Government official, a well-to-do burgher of the Free State, several soldiers, and a Uitlander mine manager. All had views on the crisis; those of the mine manager interested me a good deal. Like the average Englishman, I had looked on the Uitlanders' grievances as a queEtion chiefly affecting a band of Johannesburg capitalists, with whom I had scant sympathies, and for whom no one particularly wanted to fight. The mine ruanager put the matter in a new light to me. I will endeavour to give his views, more or less in his own words.

I asked him if he would be in England again soon, and he replied: perhaps I shall never return to England again

after living abroad for several years one gets out of touch -with friends iu England; all my real interests and friends are now in South Africa. If it were only possible to do so, I should look forward, when I have 1 made what money I wint to settling down and takine up politics there. It is commonly sup posed that all Englishmen go to Johannesburg to make their ' pile,' then hurry away to Europe to spend it. I assure you this is not the case: many good men would, under a decent Government make the Transvaal their home

especially amongst the superior artisan class this wish is very strcng; head clerks, foremen, engineers, &c., and of these men Johannesburg largely consists, not of the " seum of the earth," as we sometimes hear said. Recollect this, gold mining on the Rand is an industry, not a speculative search for gold. No doubt there are scoundrels in Johannesburg as there are in every town in the world; but the ehief part of the population is sound, composed of hard-working Englsh folk, who are, undoubtedly, living in such a condition of political and municipal servitude as no men of our moe can tolerate for long. As a slight instance of this-my mine stands sone 20 miles from Jonesburg; there is a fair-sized English colony living there, who are all taxed to supply funds for the national schools. In all of those schools only the Dutch language is taught, so that, imless a man wishes his child to be educated in foreign tongue, he must send him away from his home. This is only one small instance of the many real grievances imposed on the English majority by the Boer minority. I mention it becauso it bears very hardly on the industrious middle-class workmen, who wish to settle down with their wives auid families in the land of their adoption. This is the class which has always been willing to take up arms for the principle of no taxes without representation; that they will do so again even if England deserts them, which she will not do, is equally certain."

This was the opinion of the mine manager, andthiere are hundreds of mea who think the same. There can be no peace until the whole question is settled once and for all.

An officer occupying out here a high position, and who had been serving in the colony 20 years ago, told me that race feeling was unknown, absolutely non-existent, in those dass. No one ever thought of incuirinz if a

white man was English or Dutch; now a stranger landing on these shores finds two hostile camps; the members of the Bond, wbo form the Dutch camp, and who are almost openly disloyal to her Majesty's representative; certainly openly friendly to her Mdajesty's enemies. The whole of this raca feeling is due to the Transvaal, and to the Transvaal alone. There is no wish on the part of the English to treat the Dutch as a subject race. In every part of British South Africa the Datch have and always have had equal rights with the English. When, as at the present tiue, they command a majority in Parliament, they make the laws ; and their language and religion have, of course, never been interfered with. Tho Datch farmer, who is very ignorant and at least two centuries behind his European cousin. firmly believes that his brethren of the Transysal defeated the might of England. Any idea of magnanimity in the retrocessions of 1881 he laughs to scorn, aud that fatal surrender alter Majuba Hill has,perhaps,conjured up before his sluggish brain a mirage of more victories and fresh possessions, until he confidently looks forward to a day, not far distabt, when the degenerate English race shall be forced to accept their proper position in the South African Commonnwealth, which the Almighty has ordained sball be ruled by the Dutch for the Dutch.

Every thinking man must deprecate war, more especially a war between two white races; but, if war is forced on us by the obstinacy of the Boers, as to the issue of a centest between Great Britain and the Transvaal there can be no question; though the Operations agamist the Republic wvill not be easy. nor a march on Pretori. a" summer day's " amusement. It will be a tough fight and a determined one; but if England wPas unable to subdue the Trausvaal when she had a mind to do so, then, indeed, her days of Empire would be drawing to a close. It is strange how even educated Englishmen accept the series of advance guard slurmishes, which consVituted the war of 1881, as crushing military defeats. It is natural the Dutch farmer shonld imagine that they defeated the British Army, and the disgraceful and impolitic surrender after Majuba is responsible for these imaginations. But it Is odd that some Englishment should acquiesre in this view.

The British force engaged in those actions was about 1,000 men-a battalion at war strength. In the first two actions the English troops were severely handled, and at Majuba there was, among 600 of the forLe, most of wbhom were very young soldiers, a panic and a rout. These incidents are painful, but they occur, and will occur, in all armies ; it is misleading to make too mach of them. In 1881 the campaign was only just beginning, and had it been finished, as it should have been, none of ihese present difficulties would ever have arisen. As matters stand now, we have no means of truly gunging the flghting value o' the Boer. Vle know him to be a good shot, far superior to the ordinary infantry soldier. He is a good horseman and, for the country in which he has to fight, admirably mounted. He is well armed, can take easy advantage of cover, and wants little or nothing in the way of transport. Whether he can be relied on to stand punishment or see his comrades shot down on every side without losing confidence in himself and his leaders remains to be seen ; should he fail in this, his other good qualities will avail him but little. In 1881 the Boer loss was practically 7il ; but with a large force opposed to them the case will be very different, however well posted the farmers may be. Undisciplined troops cannot stand this kind of punish. ment as a rule. Will their self-vaunted religion and love of country enable the Boers to do so ? I hardly think it. The Boers know every yard of the country, and are in mobility and horsemanship ideal mounted infantry. Every road along which our columus must move is commanded in many places by hills, out of which the enemy must be driven before the mcain body of our army can advance. Turned out of oue hill, off they vill gallop to the next, taking every advantage of cover, so that a few well-mounted men will cause serious annoyance to our army corps. They are able to place a larger force in the field than in 1881, and are, thanks to Johannesburg, very nmlch better armed. They bave a considerable force of artillery, the " personnel " consisting chiefly of trained German and Swiss gumners. It is said that their shooting (with the rifle) has deteriorated, but I still believe them to be bettrr shots than the bulk of our soldiers. On the other hand, our shooting, both artillery and musketry, has improved immensely since the last war in South Africa. Our men are more sensibly dressed and fight in more rational formation; and if the regiments which have lately fought so well and so bravely On the Indian frontier are draimn on for South Africa, we shall have a fair proportion of men who are accustomed To hill fighting. This kind of warfare, as our late opertions on the Indian frontier showed, is the most harassing kind of warfare, and can only be waged saccessfully against a well-armed enemy by a numerically superior force. Should the Boers decline, as it is generaly believed they will, to risk a decisive engagement operations may be protracted, a state of affairs which will tell severely on the Boers themselves. All their figuting men being fathers of families, or sons assisting in farming operations, the farms left to women and children and native servants must come to grief, and the work to a standstill. Whether the Dutch farmers, who depend for their daily bread entirely on their farms, will be able to put up with this for long is a question which remains to be proved. Their previous campaigns have always been short, and their casualties small.

The one thing for England to avoid at all costs is the chance of any preliminary reverse; if one did occur our difficulties - in the colony may be very much more serious. Por this reason-that none of the Dutch colonists who own property or land will stir at first - a few of the poorer Dutch, men who have nothing to lose, may go up to the Transvaal, but the bulk wiUl do nothing, and will watch how events turn out; but the moment these men heard we had any sort of a reverse. they would Thik the hour had come to strike for the real, though muavowed, object of the Bond-a South African Dutch Republic. No responsible Dutchman in the colony will shoulder his rifle to fight for a purely Transvaal affair, but their own dream is a whole and united Republic of their own, with the English as their subjects-a vast South African Republic, stretching from the Limpopo to Cape Agelbas, a Republic in which the Dutch, and the Dutch only, shall reign supreme, and the despised EnDlishmen be treated as half-castes, hardly better than the lKaffirs. But lew people in England realize this. It is no mere question between the Imperial Government and the South African Republic, it is a question which vitally affects the ralationship between Great Britain aud all her South African colonies. Every Afrikander, every Boer does realize this fully. The time hLs come -when England must dedide whether she will maintain her power in South Africa or give it up for ever.

I remain, Sir,

AN ENGLISHMAN IN SOUTH AFRICA.